The world has been left in shock and sorrow for the people of Afghanistan, who have once again fallen to the Taliban. A two-decade struggle for democracy and freedom has ended in humiliation for those who championed it. Human rights defenders, political leaders, and ordinary citizens fought valiantly against the Taliban’s resurgence, yet they were ultimately overpowered by militants who drew their strength through safe havens and proxies in neighbouring Pakistan.
Islamabad’s ill-fated policies—driven above all by the obsession with countering arch-rival India—nurtured militant groups such as the Taliban. Yet these policies are likely to prove counterproductive, destabilising Pakistan itself and emboldening radical forces within its borders.
Pakistan’s Complicity
Afghans widely blame Pakistan for their plight. Islamabad provided shelter to Taliban leaders when Afghan citizens were fighting for survival. Taliban cadres regrouped in Pakistan’s north-western tribal areas after the US-led intervention in 2001, using these sanctuaries to reorganise and strengthen.
Social media has reflected this anger. The hashtag #SanctionPakistan trended globally soon after the Taliban declared victory, used more than 730,000 times—37 per cent from Afghanistan itself. Journalist Daud Junbish tweeted: “The existence of Pakistan depends on supporting and directing terrorism. Unless and until this issue is dealt with, the world will never be safe for anyone.”
Afghan leaders have spoken with similar candour. First Vice President Amrullah Saleh declared: “Pakistan can’t hide anymore. They are in the war and on the side of the terrorist Taliban.” Warlord Ismail Khan bluntly described the conflict as “Pakistan’s war against the Afghan nation. The Taliban are their resource and are working as a servant.”
Afghan communities abroad have echoed this outrage. In Vancouver, Afghan-Canadians protested outside Pakistan’s Consulate, condemning its role in supporting the Taliban.
Historical Admissions
Even Pakistan’s own leaders have admitted to the role of its intelligence agencies in nurturing the Taliban. Former President Pervez Musharraf acknowledged that the ISI was in contact with Taliban groups as part of a strategy to counter Indian influence in Afghanistan. “Definitely, they were in contact, and they should be,” he said in 2015.
But such policies have backfired. Pakistan’s support for the Taliban also gave rise to militant organisations on its own soil, including the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). In 2014, the TTP attacked an army school in Peshawar, murdering over 150 people, 134 of them children. Despite such atrocities, Pakistan’s establishment has continued to back the Afghan Taliban, ignoring the risks to its own security.
A Growing Threat at Home
With Afghanistan now under Taliban control, Pakistan’s civilian government may be more vulnerable than ever. Earlier this year, the outlawed Islamist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) paralysed the government through violent nationwide protests, forcing concessions over perceived blasphemy. The Taliban’s victory will embolden such groups further.
The risk of an armed rebellion cannot be ruled out. Militants in Pakistan may see the Taliban’s success as inspiration to challenge the state itself. The ideological kinship between the Afghan Taliban and the TTP—already responsible for killing tens of thousands of Pakistanis—remains a grim warning.
As Madiha Afzal, a Pakistan-born researcher, noted: “Those in Pakistan cheering on the Taliban would be well served to remember that the Afghan Taliban is the ideological twin of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, which has killed tens of thousands of Pakistanis, including 130 children at the Army Public School in Peshawar in 2014.”
Conclusion
For years, Pakistan sought to manipulate Afghanistan through its Taliban proxies, believing it could use them to secure “strategic depth” against India. Instead, it has unleashed forces that may one day consume it. The fall of Kabul is not only a tragedy for Afghans—it is also a harbinger of greater instability across Pakistan. The architects of these policies may soon discover that their dangerous game has left their own house in peril.